Tampilkan postingan dengan label President Obama. Tampilkan semua postingan
Tampilkan postingan dengan label President Obama. Tampilkan semua postingan

Senin, 22 Oktober 2012

Left of Black S3:E6 | Color-Blind Racism in the Obama Era



Left of Black S3:E6 | October 22, 2012

Color-Blind Racism in the Obama Era 

Left of Black host and Duke Professor Mark Anthony Neal is joined in the Left of Black studios by Eduardo Bonilla Silva, Professor of Sociology and Chair of the Sociology Department at Duke University.  Neal and Bonilla-Silva, the author of the now classic Racism without Racists: Color-Blind Racism and the Persistence of Racial Inequality in the United States, discuss the Obama Presidency, the importance of a social justice politics, and the insidiousness of “color-blind” racism.

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Left of Black is a weekly Webcast hosted by Mark Anthony Neal and produced in collaboration with the John Hope Franklin Center at Duke University.

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Episodes of Left of Black are also available for free download in  @ iTunes U


Sabtu, 20 Oktober 2012

HuffPost Live: Suze Orman On The Defense Of Marriage Act



 
Suze Orman gives her thoughts on why everyone should be allowed to marry, and why it's imperative that you vote for Obama if you believe in gay rights.

From Lynch-Mobs to Dog-Whistles: Color-Blind Racism in the Obama Era; Sociologist Eduardo Bonilla-Silva on the October 22nd ‘Left of Black’


From Lynch-Mobs to Dog-Whistles: Color-Blind Racism in the Obama Era; Sociologist Eduardo Bonilla-Silva on the October 22nd‘Left of Black’

In an era that some tried to define as “Post-Race,” many commentators have been quick to point out the “dog-whistle” racism that has become a feature of our national politics, particularly in relation to the re-election campaign of President Barack Obama.  It is a state of politics that Duke University Sociologist Eduardo Bonilla-Silva recognized nearly a decade ago in his ground breaking study (now in it’s third edition) Racism without Racists: Color-Blind Racism and the Persistence of Racial Inequality in the United States.  Bonilla-Silva cautions us though, that those dog-whistles—from Joe Wilson’s “You Lie” outburst to President Obama’s depiction as the “welfare President”—are  part of an “old racism,” that while important to address, often obscures the ways that the “new racism,” a color-blind racism is impacting the lives of people of color

With his signature humor, Professor Bonilla-Silva, currently the Chair of the Sociology Department at Duke University, joins host and fellow Duke University colleague Mark Anthony Neal in the Left of Black studio in a wide ranging conversation about the Obama Presidency, the importance of the Black Left and the insidiousness of “color-blind” racism.

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Left of Black airs at 1:30 p.m. (EST) on Mondays on the Ustream channel: http://tinyurl.com/LeftofBlackhttp://tinyurl.com/LeftofBlack

Viewers are invited to participate in a Twitter conversation with Neal and featured guests while the show airs using hash tags #LeftofBlack or #dukelive. 

Left of Black is recorded and produced at the John Hope Franklin Center of International and Interdisciplinary Studies at Duke University.

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Follow Left of Black on Twitter: @LeftofBlack
Follow Mark Anthony Neal on Twitter: @NewBlackMan

Kamis, 18 Oktober 2012

HuffPost Live: No Hard Knock Life—Jay Z & the American Dream



From running cocaine in Brooklyn to sitting atop $460 million, President Obama calls Jay-Z an "American success story" in a new campaign ad appealing to young voters.

Hosted by:

GUESTS:
  • TourĂ© (New York, NY) MSNBC Host and Author
  • Mark Anthony Neal (Durham, NC) Professor of Black Popular Culture at Duke University
  • Marty Grace (Brooklyn, NY) Hip Hop Artist and Minister
  • Rahiel Tesfamariam (Washington, DC) Columnist at the Washington Post
  • Tom Cunningham(Los Angeles, CA)Creative Director for Leadstar

Senin, 15 Oktober 2012

Left of Black S3:E5 | Style Shifting with POTUS & Occupying the Music



Left of Black S3:E5 |   October 15, 2012

Style Shifting with POTUS & Occupying the Music
Left of Black host and Duke Professor Mark Anthony Neal is joined via Skype by Stanford University Professor H. Samy Alim, co-author of, with legendary social linguist Geneva Smitherman, Articulate While Black: Barack Obama, Language and Race in the U.S. (Oxford University Press).  Later Neal is joined, also via Skype, by singer-songwriter Alison Crockett, whose latest recording Mommy, What’s a Depression? and blog Diva Against Insanity hark back to the socially transformative music of the 1960s.

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Left of Black is a weekly Webcast hosted by Mark Anthony Neal and produced in collaboration with the John Hope Franklin Center at Duke University.

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Episodes of Left of Black are also available for free download in  @ iTunes U

Sabtu, 22 September 2012

Pictures, Progress and Raising Black Daughters in the Obama Era on the September 24th Left of Black


Pictures, Progress and Raising Black Daughters in the Obama Era on the September 24th Left of Black

One of the most endearing images from the recent Democratic National Convention was the photo of President Barack Obamaand his daughters Sasha and Malia, as they sat on a couch watching the First Lady, Michelle Obama, deliver her convention address.  Whether this was a photo that captured the family in a moment of relaxation or one that was staged to project the closeness of the First Family Obama (or both), the photo elicited pride in President Obama’s supporters, particularly his Black supporters.

Photography has long been a means in which Black citizens have attempted to lay a claim on citizenship, patriotism, respectability and the fitness of the “race” for leadership.  The role of early photography and notions of Black progress are the themes of Pictures and Progress: Early Photography and the Making of African American Identity (Duke University Press), a new book edited by Duke University Professor Maurice Wallace and Shawn Michelle Smith.

Professor Wallace joins host Mark Anthony Nealin the Left of Black studios in the John Hope Franklin Center at Duke University in a wide ranging conversation about the new book, raising Black daughters in the Obama era and the politics of “Professorial Style” in the contemporary academy.

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Left of Black airs at 1:30 p.m. (EST) on Mondays on the Ustream channel: http://tinyurl.com/LeftofBlack. Viewers are invited to participate in a Twitter conversation with Neal and featured guests while the show airs using hash tags #LeftofBlack or #dukelive. 

Left of Black is recorded and produced at the John Hope Franklin Center of International and Interdisciplinary Studies at Duke University.

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Follow Left of Black on Twitter: @LeftofBlack
Follow Mark Anthony Neal on Twitter: @NewBlackMan
Follow Maurice Wallace on Twitter: @mauricewllc

Minggu, 09 September 2012

Historian John Bracey on Obama as 'The Help'




John H. Bracey describes the influence and consequences of white supremacy in the presidential campaign.
 
Produced by Media Education Foundation: mediaed.org. Presented by Exploded View: exploded-view.org

Jumat, 07 September 2012

Michael Eric Dyson & Glen Ford of Black Agenda Report Debate Obama Presidency






As President Obama accepts the Democratic nomination to seek four more years in the White House, we host a debate on his presidency with Glen Ford of Black Agenda Report and Michael Eric Dyson, professor at Georgetown University and author of numerous books. Ford calls Obama the "more effective evil" for embracing right-wing policies and neutralizing effective opposition, while Dyson argues Obama provides the best and obvious choice for progressive change within the confines of the U.S. political system.

Minggu, 26 Agustus 2012

Are We Witnessing American Decline? The Cafe with Amy Goodman, Karen Finney, and Clarence Page



 
The US is the most powerful nation on earth, but its position of global supremacy is being challenged - economically, militarily and politically. And the person many Americans hold responsible for these failings is the president who promised them change. The worldwide economic crisis of 2008 started in the US and the aftershocks are still being felt today. Unemployment is running at more than eight per cent, productivity is down and the national debt is a whopping $137bn. Such turmoil makes it hard to honour electoral promises. The country is deeply divided. The machinery of government has been tied in knots by partisan bickering and the rise of the right-wing, anti-state Tea Party and the street protests of the left-wing Occupy Wall Street movement are a reminder of how polarised the nation has become. Despite this, Barack Obama, the US president, has pushed through healthcare reform and turned around the failing auto industry. He has stopped the war in Iraq and killed Osama bin Laden. But is this enough to win re-election for a second term? And, whoever wins, will the next president have the unenviable task of overseeing the US' decline?

Kamis, 10 Mei 2012

Jay Smooth: "Marriage Equality and Symbiotic Evolution"



From IllDoctrine:

Honoring both the big things that President Obama did this week, and the big things LGBTQ activists, bloggers, etc did to help get him (and us) there.

Selasa, 31 Januari 2012

Ebru Today: James Braxton Peterson on Obama-Brewer and Beyond



James Braxton Peterson is Director of Africana Studies and Associate Professor of English at Lehigh University and the author of the forthcoming Major Figures: Critical Essays on Hip Hop Music (Mississippi University Press). Follow him at @DrJamesPeterson.

Minggu, 22 Januari 2012

Kevin Alexander Gray Talks Race & the Southern Strategy on Democracy Now




democracynow.org

Leading up to the South Carolina primary, several Republican presidential candidates have been criticized for comments made over issues of race. This week Newt Gingrich defended his description of President Obama as "the food stamp president," while offering praise for President Andrew Jackson, the architect of the Indian Removal Act. We speak to South Carolina civil rights activist Kevin Alexander Gray and longtime political reporter Wayne Slater about how Republicans have adopted the long-held "Southern Strategy" of race-baiting in order to win over bigoted white voters. "When the Democrats come here, they come to get their black ticket punched. Republicans come here to punch black people," Gray says.

Sabtu, 31 Desember 2011

The Year in ‘Race Matters’




The Year in ‘Race Matters’
by David J. Leonard | NewBlackman

Colorlines recently published a 90 second video summarizing the year in race, an amazing feet given what has happened over the year.  Statistical measurements define 2011, in many ways:

·        45 percent of the 131,000 homeless veterans in America are African-American
·        26 percent of African American families earn less than $15,000
·        1 in 9 African Americans live in neighborhoods where 40%+ of its residents live in poverty
·    Black women earn 68 cents for every dollar earned by men; for Latinas this number is 59 centers
·        16.2 percent of African Americans are unemployed
·        17.5 percent of black males are unemployed; 41 percent of black teenagers are without a job
·      11.4 percent of Latinos are unemployed; 21.3% of Alaska Natives and 19.3% of members of Midwest indigenous communities are unemployed
·        In 2011, blacks and Latino were twice as likely to face home foreclosures
·    Between January and June of 2011, the United States carried out more than 46,000 deportations of the parents of U.S.-citizen children”

Yet, meaning of this year transcends these numbers.  We have seen ample intrusions of blatant racism into the public square.  I recently wrote about this, arguing:

In Two-Faced Racism, Leslie Picca and Joe Feagin explore the ways in which racial performances are carried in both the frontstage (integrated and multiracial public spaces) and the backstage (those private/semi-private all-white spaces where race talk and racist ideas reveal themselves in profound ways).  Their research found that the backstage offers whites a place to “perform, practice, learn, reinforce, and maintain racist views of and inclinations toward people of color.  These views and inclinations play a central role in generating and maintaining the overt and covert racial discrimination that is still commonplace in major institutions of this society” (27-28). 

Increasingly, however, the frontstage is replacing the backstage whereupon whites are publicly performing, learning, reinforcing and maintaining their racist views toward people of color.  Evident in college students donning blackface and then putting pictures online, evident in Gene Marks, Newt Ginrich, Donald Trump and their reactionary pals lamenting the laziness of black youth, evident in the usage of the N-word, evident in white-only movie screenings and white-only swimming pools, the lines between the frontstage and the backstage are blurring before our eyes.   In other words, the frontstage is now the backstage, leaving me to wonder what sorts of ideologies, stereotypes and racial talk is transpiring in backstage.  Or maybe, in a “post-racial America,” widespread racism has returned (did it ever leave?) to the frontstage thereby illustrating the importance of challenging and resisting in each and every location.

From Rep. Doug Lamborn referring to President Obama as a “tar baby” and Brent Bonzell describing President Obama as “a skinny, ghetto crackhead” to Fox’s headline for President Obama’s birthday party –“Obama's Hip-Hop BBQ Didn't Create Jobs” and Eric Bolling “criticizing” President Obama for “chugging 40's in IRE while tornadoes ravage MO,” there have been ample examples of the ways in which public expressions of racism have defined the 2011 political sphere.  The racism and sexism directed at Michelle Obama (just one example) and the astounding types of political commercials (just one example) are also evident of the ways in which violent rhetoric has dominated the public square.

Not surprisingly, Rush Limbaugh (calling President Obama a “oreo cookie” and Michelle Obama as “uppity”), Ann Coulter (“our blacks are better than theirs”), Pat Buchannan (“Blacks bought a lot of propaganda of the liberal plantation”), amongst others, all illustrate the ways in which racist language and ideologies define the nature of political discourse during 2011.  Beyond the ample instances of racism, it is important to see beyond the starling ease that racism operates within the public square to look at the ways race plays out within the deployed narratives and ideologies. 

Take Pat Buchannan, who reminisced for Jim Crow during 2011: “Back then, black and white lived apart, went to different schools and churches, played on different playgrounds, and went to different restaurants, bars, theaters, and soda fountains. But we shared a country and a culture. We were one nation. We were Americans.”  In language and the vision for America, race defined the past year (and the years before).

The last year has also seen quite a bit of recycling.  From the Moynihan Report and culture of poverty, to bootstraps ideology and efforts to blame the poor, 2011 has seen a comeback (not that these racist narratives ever went away) of these troubling ideas.  Two of the most illustrative examples were Newt Gingrich and Gene Marks.  Gingrich, who has made a career of race baiting (calling President Obama a “food stamp president” and one defined by a “‘Kenyan, anti-colonial worldview’”), recently offered policy prescriptions to deal with black unemployment: teach black youth the value of work.  He stated:

Really poor children in really poor neighborhoods have no habits of working.  And have nobody around them who works. They have no habit of ‘I do this and you give me cash’-unless it’s illegal.  What if you paid them part time in the afternoon, to sit at the clerical office and greet people when they came in?  What if you paid them to work as the assistant librarian. What if they were the assistant janitor, and carried a mop?

Deploying longstanding stereotypes about black laziness and criminality, all while crafting economic policy based on bootstrapism, Ginrich shows how 2011 has been so much about sampling and redeploying the racist ideologies of yesteryear.  Gene Marks, whose article prompted widespread condemnation because of its paternalistic tone and acceptance of widespread stereotypes, is equally reflective of this trend.

I am not a poor black kid.  I am a middle aged white guy who comes from a middle class white background.  So life was easier for me.  But that doesn’t mean that the prospects are impossible for those kids from the inner city.  It doesn’t mean that there are no opportunities for them. I believe that everyone in this country has a chance to succeed.  Still.  In 2011.  Even a poor black kid in West Philadelphia.
 
The racism of 2011 has not been limited to the political sphere, amongst punditry and politicians, but has been visible throughout society.  Evident in a teacher calling black and Latino first graders “future criminals,” Alexandra Wallace’s racist diatribe against Asians, Psychology Today’s racist article about black women, billboards charging “abortion-as-black- genocide,” and a high school coach referring to a black player as “a future welfare recipient,” racist talk and imagery has been visible throughout the year.  We have seen Lowes’ refusal to run advertisements during All-American Muslim and the Right’s demonization of Nightrunner, “DC Muslim Batman of Paris.” 

Amid the denials and the claims that whites face ample discrimination, the level of racial animus and the level of rhetorical violence during 2011 have been revealing.  The lack reflexivity and the hegemony of white privilege, with the use of the N-Word during Slut Walk, is telling about this year (see here for an apology).  In fact, 2011 has seen ample instances of the N-Word within the public square, from high school girls chanting it before their game to the recent slur directed at Rihanna.

Of course, 2011 has seen the violence and the injustices of racism in policy.  In the execution of Troy Davis, in the systemic deportations of undocumented mothers and fathers, in the judicial assault on ethnic studies, in the anti-immigrant policies of Alabama, Georgia, South Carolina,  and Indiana, in the many instances of police brutality, the persistence of racial profiling,  and the number of hate groups surpassing 1,000, this year has seen ample evidence of the fallacy of a post-racial America.

The prosecution and sentencing of, and the struggle for justice for, Kelly Williams-Bolar is emblematic of many issues surrounding race in 2011.  From the criminalization of people of color and the demonization of women of color, to educational inequalities and the generation of kids behind left behind, her case teaches us much about the continued struggle for civil rights in 2nd decade of the twenty-first century.  Jamilah King described the case in the following way:

Just in case you haven’t seen this story blow up on your social network this week: Kelley Williams-Bolar is headed to an Ohio jail. The mother of two was sentenced this week to 10 days in jail, three years of probation, and 80 hours of community service. Her crime? Sending her two daughters to an out-of-district school. . . .
              
It’s an infuriating case, especially for anyone who’s even remotely familiar with educational inequity in this country. America still hasn’t made good on its half-century promise to desegregateits public schools, and academic achievement can almost always be measured by zip code.

The demonization of women of color extended into the realm of popular culture as well.

2011 was also the year of The Help, a film that recycled the hegemonic Hollywood trope of “white love” (h/t Elon James White) and racial redemption all while sanitizing the black freedom struggle.  Yet, it was also a year defined by the many powerful responses to this film; these effort resisted and challenged the film’s (mis)representation of black women’s work, segregation, social justice, and countless other issues.  From the Association of Black Woman Historians’ powerful statement to the many articles from black scholars – Dutchess Harris, Rebecca Wanzo, Mecca Jamilah Sullivan, Martha Southgate, Mark Anthony Neal, Aishah Shahidah Simmons,  Melissa Harris-Perry, and HonorĂ©e Fanonne Jeffers – many voices have challenged the narrative and representations offered by The Help, refusing to accept the cultural politics of the mainstream.  Yet, 2011 has also seen the release of Pariah, a film that explores the experience of a young black lesbian struggling for acceptance within her family and society at large.  Whereas The Help represents blackness as accessory, as the help, Pariahreminds audiences of the power and beauty of black identity, highlighting heterogeneity, diversity, and humanity.   

2011 has seen ample moments of resistance, a refusal to accept and tolerate racism, sexism, and homophobia.  It has been a year of “speaking truth to power” and refusing the dominant narrative.  Following the airing of ABC’s 20/20 special entitled “Children of the Plains,” a group of Native American students from South Dakota produced their own video that refused the images and messages offered in the show: “I know what you probably think of us…we saw the special too. Maybe you saw a picture, or read an article. But we want you to know, we’re more than that…we have so much more than poverty.”  Then there were the students from Ohio University, who launched the “We are a culture not a costume” campaign to protest the racist stereotypes and racist images so prominent during Halloween.  Youth in Californiaand Alabamafought vigorously to change the tide against anti-immigrant racism.  Hotel workers in New Yorkprotested Dominique Strauss-Kahn and the victimization of Nafissatou Diallo. And so much more.

The power of new media as a space of resistance has been on full-display, whether the consciousness raising happening on twitter and Facebook, or the ways in which Jay Smooth, Jasiri X, Issa Rae, Amie Breeze Harper, Ariana Proehl. Scholars like Alondra Nelson, Koritha Mitchell, Nicole Fleetwood, Danielle McGwire, Kellie Jones, Evie Shockey, and Manning Marable (who we lost this year) have also published important works that advance the study of race, gender, and sexuality in both history and our current moment.  In the face of erasure, dehumanization, and persistent inequalities, scholars and artists (see Lisa Thompson’s discussion of black women in theater), activists and organizers, and people from community big and small have met the racism and injustice with force.  There has been so much to challenge in 2011 yet the many instances of injustice have not killed our “freedom dreams.”  While these dreams will be deferred until 2012, the struggle will continue.   

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David J. Leonard is Associate Professor in the Department of Critical Culture, Gender and Race Studies at Washington State University, Pullman. He has written on sport, video games, film, and social movements, appearing in both popular and academic mediums. His work explores the political economy of popular culture, examining the interplay between racism, state violence, and popular representations through contextual, textual, and subtextual analysis.  Leonard’s latest book After Artest: Race and the Assault on Blackness will be published by SUNY Press in May of 2012.


Selasa, 27 September 2011

Can Obama Fortify African American Support?



Robert Traynham and James Peterson on the challenges facing the President in the African American community.

President Obama’s Silence on Troy Davis Execution Emboldens Young Progressives


President Obama’s Silence on Troy Davis Execution Emboldens Young Progressives
by Mark Naison | special to NewBlackMan

The refusal of President Obama to commute Troy Davis’s death sentence, or even ask local authorities to postpone his execution, brings to a decisive end the faltering romance with the President among young Americans, freeing them to lead much needed justice movements on their own.

It would be a mistake to regard young Americans of this generation as politically passive. It was their energy and idealism that drove the remarkable and unexpected victory over Hilary Clinton in the Democratic Primary, and the history making campaign that made Barack Obama our first African American president.

It was understandable, given the atmosphere of that campaign and the idealistic, activist rhetoric candidate Obama employed to excite hopes of an American Renewal ( “Yes We Can”) that many young people relaxed after the election, assuming their future was in good hands and that the vision of a just society which drove them to participate in the campaign would drive the President’s policies.

Over the last three years, that expectation of moral leadership has been disappointed on many fronts. The huge expenditure  to bail out the banks, the failure to mount an effective jobs campaign, the refusal to fight for a public option in the  health care plan,  the continuation of wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, and most recently, the  acceptance of a budget compromise which eviscerated programs ranging from student loans, to public radio, to environmental projects made the President seem as though he lacked a moral compass, or worse yet, was unwilling to challenge policies which might jeopardize his election chances or hurt the interests of his  Wall Street donors.

The President’s compromises and evasions, coming at a time when poverty rates were growing, the racial wealth gap was escalating, and young people, whether educated or not faced the worst job market since the Depression,  left many young people confused and demoralized.  Many could not believe what was happening to them economically; they were still hoping that the economy would correct itself, or the President they had placed so much hope in would find some way of righting the ship that was sinking around them.

But while disappointment with the President was growing, the political warfare waged against him by the Republicans, particularly after the 2010 Congressional elections, left him with a residue of credibility.  Weren’t the President’s opponents responsible for the tepid and ineffective policies coming out of Washington.  Didn’t Republicans try to obstruct every positive initiative he tried to launch, from asking the wealthy to pay their fair share of taxes, to rebuilding the crumbling American infra structure.

Enter the Troy Davis case. Here was a defendant who had been on death row for twenty years, insisting on his innocence, while the witnesses against him were steadily recanting their testimony.  The thought of executing someone with this much doubt surrounding his conviction had created a worldwide protest movement involving millions of people around the world, not just because of the cruelty of capital punishment and the injustice of this particular case,, but because of the disproportionate application of the death penalty in the US to poor people and people of color.


To many young people in this country, and elsewhere, the execution of Troy Davis was a moral wrong of startling clarity, and given the hopes they had invested in Barack Obama when he ran for President, they expected him, at the very least to speak out against Troy Davis’s execution, and if possible, to use his power to stop it.

When the President did neither, and Troy Davis died, Barack Obama’s image as a visionary leader died with it.

But in this case, the cloud had a sliver lining.

While Troy Davis courage in the face of state murder inspired young people to fight harder against injustice, Barack Obama’s  silence freed them to lead themselves. No longer could they expect someone in a position of power to stand up for the weak and powerless, to confront deeply entrenched patterns of racial and economic equality, or even insure that young people in this country would have a secure economic future

If there was going to be a fight on all those fronts, it would have to be led by young people themselves, in the streets as well as in the political arena, and they would have to fight harder than they had ever fought in their life.

The Wall Street occupation currently taking place is a sign that more and more young people have gotten this message.

While they may—or  may not—give  their vote to Barack Obama in 2012,  they most important thing they will be doing will be acting collectively to change the course of American and world history, and in doing so they will have lots of solidarity and support from young activists around the world facing similar problems.

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Mark Naison is a Professor of African-American Studies and History at Fordham University and Director of Fordham’s Urban Studies Program. He is the author of two books, Communists in Harlem During the Depression and White Boy: A Memoir. Naison is also co-director of the Bronx African American History Project (BAAHP). Research from the BAAHP will be published in a forthcoming collection of oral histories Before the Fires: An Oral History of African American Life From the 1930’s to the 1960’s.

Minggu, 01 Mei 2011