What I Learned This Summer (or What I Already Knew): The Uncompassionate Conservative Movement

What I Learned This Summer (or What I Already Knew):

The Uncompassionate Conservative Movement

by David J. Leonard | NewBlackMan

Kids have made their way back to school, with many writing and reporting about what they did last summer. I thought I would do something similar, writing about what I have learned about “conservatives” in the last few weeks. 

Lesson (1) At a recent Republican Debate, audience members made their support for state-sponsored executions clear.  What I learned is that they think it is a beautiful thing that Texas executes so many people; the mere mention of execution resulted in cheers and ovations.  They must think that being part of a group of nations (including China, Iran, North Korea and Yemen) that carries out a great number of the world’s execution is worthy of applause.  I guess some find pride in the fact that Texas executed more people in 2010 (17) than Bangladesh and Somalia and as many as Syria (one less than Libya and about 10 behind Saudi Arabia).  While I am appalled by the barbaric practice of state-sponsored murder, I am equally disgusted by the reaction that I witnessed that day.  I would guess many of them are unhappy with the U.S. Supreme Court, who issued a stay of execution for Duane Buck, who was convicted of double murder in 1985.  According to Tim Murphy:

In order to “secure a capital punishment conviction in Texas they needed to prove "future dangerousness"—that is, provide compelling evidence that Buck posed a serious threat to society if he were ever to walk free. They did so in part with the testimony of a psychologist, Dr. Walter Quijano, who testified that Buck's race (he's African American) made him more likely to commit crimes in the future. (Quijano answered in the affirmative to the question of whether "the race factor, [being] black, increases the future dangerousness for various complicated reasons.")

Governor Perry’s death penalty record (particularly questions raised about his execution of an innocent man) and the applause given for executions give me  pause.  It is yet another reminder of the hypocrisy in the term “compassionate conservative.” 

Lesson (2) The members of the Republican Party think a person without insurance in need of health care should be left to die because “choices have consequences.”  Danielle Belton, from The Black Snob, describes the situation in the following way:

The most startling moment was during a hypothetical question posed by Wolf Blitzer about a 30-something, once healthy uninsured guy who didn't buy insurance when he could afford it, but got really sick and might die. Should we let him die? While Ron Paul was trying to give his "go to a church for help if you're uninsured and dying of an illness answer" (more on that later), the crowd got a little restless and cheered for letting the dude die.

On top of the last debate where folks cheered Gov. Rick Perry's death penalty rate in Texas -- even when some of those folks killed were likely innocent -- has demonstrated a bloodlust among the conservative, "pro-lifer" crowd. Once again proving, the best thing you can do as a human being with these folks is stay a fetus as long as possible.

I guess executions (of some people) are good and  allowing some people to die is also fine. These first two “lessons” were just from this month, followed-up on lessons learned throughout the summer

Lesson (3) Arizona began implementing a policy that required a $25 dollar fee to visit family members within prison.  In a bill introduced by Rep. John Kavanagh, R-Fountain Hills, the Arizona Department of Corrections  “impose[d] a $25 fee on adults who wish to visit inmates at any of the 15 prison complexes that house state prisoners.”  Arizona officials justified the law, which is the first of its kind in the nation, by citing the cost of background checks, even though the collected money will not be used toward this cost.  Instead the money will be used to pay for building maintenance and repairs “needed” at its prisons. 

Beyond the inhumanity of a law that seeks to potentially inhibit and restrict family contact, it is a poor policy if  one is invested in shrinking prison population.  Numerous studies about recidivism and the creation of “safe” and “secure” prisons cite family ties as paramount.   A recent study from a Massachusetts commission illustrates how such fees are bad policy, (I would add that they are also immoral, disgusting and illustrative of the lack of compassion and the commonplace hypocrisy in today’s political culture):

Given that “more than half of male inmates were the primary source of financial support for their children” pre-incarceration3?, fees will not only impact inmates but also their family members. Inmates that are indigent or have limited sources of income will often rely on funds transferred from their canteen accounts for reentry upon their release, including for the purpose of securing housing, access to substance abuse/mental health programming, and educational opportunities. Funds may also be necessary to regain drivers’ licenses for commuting to and from the workplace as well as to pay down the costs associated with imprisonment. The commission believes that additional fees would increase the number of inmates qualifying as indigent, increase the financial burdens on the inmate and their family, and jeopardize inmates’ opportunities for successful reentry.

Lessons learned: “Conservatives” (at least in Arizona) don’t like taxes, but do like to tax families who merely want to see their loved ones who happened to be incarcerated.  Executions and the uninsured=good; families wanting to see loved ones=bad or at least not worthy enough to avoid taxation.

Future Lesson: House Republicans are currently pushing a bill that will eliminate all discretion and autonomy in deportation cases, which according to Mother Jones would result in the deportation of women like Rebeca Gonzales (pseudonym given in the report).  In February, after years of abuse, Gonzalez phone 911 after her boyfriend threatened to prevent her from seeing her 1-year old child.  Once the police arrived, they (1) demanded that she speak English, (2) disputed her accusations; and (3) they arrested her.  Even though doctors told the police that there was evidence of physical abuse, they proceeded with the arrest.  Ultimately the charges were dropped against Gonzalez, yet the damage was already done with ICE notified about her immigration status.  Adam Serwer reports that:

Her calling the authorities for help in finding a safe haven for herself and her child, Gonzales found herself about to be deported. ICE eventually agreed to close Gonzales' case after immigration activists turned her story into a symbol of what they see as the Obama administration's draconian immigration policies. Back in Washington, though, Republicans were accusing the administration of not being draconian enough. In July, Rep. Lamar Smith (R-Texas), the chairman of the House Judiciary Committee, used an ICE memo urging agents to prioritize the removal of undocumented immigrants with criminal records to charge that Obama was instituting "backdoor amnesty."

Unhappy with the Obama administration’s partial reversal on its immigration policy, one that had resulted in the deportation of over 1 million people during his presidency, the Republicans are seeking to show their compassionate side again.  With over 400,000 people deported yearly, and with roughly 4 million American children living with undocumented parents (either 1 or both), the deportation process is one that splits up families.  DA Morales best summed up this lesson as follows: “What I really respect about Republicans is their devotion to God and Family. Because of God, they have this moral code that insists Illegal is Illegal, even if slavery or segregation is the law, the law is sacred and above humanity.”  He continues to highlight a lesson in their hypocrisy: “Because of their love for Family, and Family Values, they have no problem splitting up Latino families, deporting the undocumented parents and leaving the children behind, because that is EXACTLY WWJD, or rather WJWD (what Jesus would do).”

So next time you hear a politician foaming at the mouth regarding family values, remember my lessons from this summer.  And these issues certainly transcend party (the Democratic Party has been ineffective and complicit in this country’s policies regarding the death penalty and deportations), the lessons are not so much about the policy choices but the callousness, the lack of respect for humanity, and the visible celebration of these injustices.  This is what gives me pause.  The failure of leaders within the conservative movement to say, “No, we don’t celebrate death, we don’t celebrate splitting families apart, we don’t applaud pain and suffering” has given me pause.  I think Danielle Belton best summarized how I am feeling from the lessons of the summer in the following way:

Nope, this "let them eat death, poor people aren't good enough for cake" attitude is more about: "I have money and I don't want to use it to help other people I don't know even if by helping those other people it makes our society a better, healthier and more fair place. I embrace the jungle of life where, in most cases, I'm already a winner, or, I hold on to the dream that someday I will be the winner and I too can use a small poor child as a foot rest after a long day of money counting."  This kind of attitude -- a weird perversion of the perfectly fine Protestant work ethic -- has always been around in American society. Heck, it was pretty much the poor white person's justification for slavery, as maybe, one day, they'd get some darkies to love-and-or-horribly-abuse. What was the point in "fairness" if those meant to be beneath you became your equals?

And while these are not new lessons, evidence in the legislative push to sever parental rights for those incarcerated for drug abuse, legislative agendas that have sought to restrict and limit access to basic welfare, and legislative efforts to privatize prisons thereby sending incarcerated people to serve their time elsewhere, there is something new here.  The celebration of and the callous praise for denying life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness amongst the less-fortunate, amongst the poor, amongst communities of color, amongst those most vulnerable, feels “new” (renewed).  And while I don’t long for a return to a “compassionate conservative movement,” I think we would all be better off if we put a moratorium on clapping for execution, death, and deportation at least while I wait for end to the death penalty, an end to people dying because of a lack of affordable and available health care, and end to deportations.  Can I get a few applause for that???

***

David J. Leonard is Associate Professor in the Department of Critical Culture, Gender and Race Studies at Washington State University, Pullman. He has written on sport, video games, film, and social movements, appearing in both popular and academic mediums. His work explores the political economy of popular culture, examining the interplay between racism, state violence, and popular representations through contextual, textual, and subtextual analysis. He is the author of Screens Fade to Black: Contemporary African American Cinema and the forthcoming After Artest: Race and the War on Hoop (SUNY Press). Leonard is a regular contributor to NewBlackMan and blogs @ No Tsuris.

“It Doesn’t Get Any More Real Than Perry”?: The Right’s Stake in Real Americaness

 
“It Doesn’t Get Any More Real Than Perry”?: 

The Right’s Stake in Real Americaness 
by Theresa Runstedtler | special to NewBlackMan

“People of all persuasions are sick, sick, SICK of mollycoddling, pandering and Edwardian (as in John Edwards) phoniness . . . . It doesn’t get any more real than Perry. The elite may call it ‘swagger’; I call it a real man with real convictions and the courage to stand up for them, which happen to comport with the majority of Americans. Or as they say in Texas, he is had and cattle. And the coupe de gras, he is a spiritually anchored and philosophically happy warrior.”

– Republican strategist Mary Matalin on presidential candidate Gov. Rick Perry (R-Texas)

Since when did the Right (and more specifically white Republican men from Texas) become the arbiters of what it means to be a “real American man”?

As a Canadian transplant, I’ve always found the theatrics of the U.S. political scene fascinating, where big money campaigns seem interminable and public spectacle usually trumps any in-depth discussion of policy. American politics is a virtual blood-sport with all its sound bite and bombastic fury. Texas Governor Rick Perry is just the latest Republican to enter the pissing contest that is the 2012 presidential campaign, ready to show the “real America” that he has the balls to lead the nation.

Of course, Perry is simply following in the well-worn footsteps of his predecessor George W. Bush, with his self-righteous swagger, Texas drawl, and rugged, frontier persona. He prefers cowboy boots to dress shoes and proudly recounts shooting a coyote with his .380 Ruger (it had a laser sight). He wears his Christianity on his sleeve, most recently playing the patriarchal prophet at his Houston prayer rally. Even though Bush’s people reportedly disdain Perry, he seems to have taken many of his moves right out of their campaign playbook.

While Bush had to manufacture a frontier persona to cover up his elite, northeastern roots (much like President Theodore Roosevelt back in the early 1900s), Perry actually has a real connection to rural Texas. As his campaign website triumphantly claims, “A fifth generation Texan, Governor Rick Perry has taken an extraordinary Texas journey, from a tenant farm in the rolling West Texas plains to the governor's office of our nation's second largest state.” Perry and his people would clearly like us to think that he made it to his current political station by pure, hard-scrabble individualism (with a little help from the Man upstairs), but even a cursory look at his record suggests otherwise.

As his website extols, “Rick Perry has led a life of public service, starting in the United States Air Force and continuing over two decades in elected office.” Thanks to a clever, rhetorical twist, his work for one of the largest wings of the federal government – the military – can be touted as admirable public service, in contrast to the other government services he so desperately wants to cut. As the wife of a former Marine, I also know that serving in the military makes one eligible for government-backed housing loans and educational funding, but Perry would argue that unlike other handouts these are appropriate entitlements for deserving people. Perhaps most ironic of all, he boasts two decades as an elected official, even as he calls for the shrinking of government. (I’m pretty sure that he won’t be handing back his tax-payer-provided pension or healthcare.)

Perry claims credit for “creating a Texas of unlimited opportunity and prosperity by improving education, securing the border and increasing economic development through classic conservative values.” However, his real record and the real-life conditions in his state tell a different story. Despite his vociferous condemnation of the federal stimulus bill, Perry has a long history of fighting for federal money to help fund state projects. Even members of his own party have decried his blatant “corporate cronyism.” He has used handouts from the Texas Enterprise Fund (TEF) to pad the pockets of his friends in big business, who in turn have helped to fill his campaign coffers. The free market’s hand is not so invisible in the Lone Star state.

Misery and misfortune have also accompanied Perry’s “Texas Miracle.” While the state boasts a low unemployment rate, it is tied with Mississippi for having the highest percentage of minimum wage jobs in the nation and bears the unique distinction of having the highest percentage of residents without medical insurance (many of whom are children). Evidently, the governor’s narrative of the white Christian patriarch who pulls himself (and his frontier state) up by his own bootstraps is just that – a narrative.

Still, I don’t want to use Perry as a simple straw man, since many Republicans share both his basic campaign tactics and political worldview – the most extreme example being the so-called Tea Party (which is incidentally bank-rolled by the uber-rich Koch brothers and conservative media tycoon Rupert Murdoch). Indeed, the most notorious peddlers of this racially-inflected, Alpha-male individualism are not what they seem; many of them have effectively consolidated their power and wealth on the backs of “real Americans.”

So, after the disastrous Bush years and subsequent economic crash, how is it that this narrative remains so seductive to voters, particularly (white) working people? Arguably, this fake populist narrative has become all the more seductive for many struggling to make it through the Great Recession, even as the chasm between blue-collar (especially male) laborers and the super-rich continues to widen. So again, why in the heck are people continuing to support the Right’s line about the need to scale back/privatize public services, bust any remaining unions, and keep all industry free of regulation – things that have not proven to be in their (or their families’) interest over the past thirty years?

One thing is certain: the Republicans are great communicators steeped in the art of storytelling. Over the decades, the party has masterfully manipulated a reactionary tale of race, gender, and class, which it consistently invokes to fire up the anger, fear, and prejudice of its base, pushing them to the polls. Underlying its message of constitutional purity, individual rights, lower taxes, and small government is the specter of nefarious collusion between the corrupt and wasteful plutocrats in Washington, DC and the masses of undeserving (read: black and brown) poor.

In short, more taxes paid to the federal government somehow translates into more handouts for the supposedly lazy/criminal/promiscuous/spend-thrift/illegal-immigrant poor and therefore less money in the pockets of hard-working/family-oriented/God-fearing, real (read: white) Americans. The election of the United States’ first black president, Barack Obama, has only made this convoluted logic more convincing. And, the recent debt downgrade certainly didn’t help matters. Republican pundits could barely contain their glee that a black president presided over the nation’s first slide into “bad credit.”

The resounding calls to “take our country back” are just the latest iteration of the Right’s recycled story of virtuous white victims bravely battling to reinstate patriarchal law and order – a frontier tale for the twenty-first century. Of course, the real question is “back from whom and back to when”? One only needs to look at the Tea Party’s deification of the founding fathers, its revisionist history of the revolutionary war and constitution, its sanitizing of American slavery, its elision of Native American genocide and dispossession, and its refusal to acknowledge the nation’s imperial past (and present) to get an idea of the answer.

They are effectively channeling the rage of their target audience – disgruntled white working- and middle-class people who feel increasingly wedged between America’s soulless elite and the pathological poor. Two of the main pillars of the “Taking Our Country Back Tour,” the call to lower taxes (read: tax breaks for the super-rich and corporate giants) and shrink government (read: further cutbacks to social programs and entitlements), can only appeal to this target audience if cloaked in a siege mentality.

On the one hand, the tour’s website links to a Fox News feature on country singer John Rich’s anthem decrying government bailouts and Wall Street bonuses. Yet lurking beneath the surface of this populist rhetoric is an even more pernicious disdain for the black and brown people who have supposedly plunged this great democracy into moral depravity and economic decline, from “affirmative action” elites, to illegal aliens, to violent gangbangers, to drug addicts, and welfare moms. To make matters worse, the 2010 census confirmed that America’s nonwhite population is booming. Even though white wealth still dwarfs that of nonwhites and the logic of white supremacy still permeates U.S. institutions, Tea Partiers somehow feel they’re being pushed aside.

In some respects, white working- and middle-class Americans are right to feel their privilege and stability melting away, but not because of any great government gift to the undeserving poor. Instead, thanks to the Republicans, Warren Buffet and other billionaires are now taxed at a lower rate than the average American. Still, to sell its fiscal agenda, the conservative elite urges its rank-and-file to cling to the romantic frontier images of the family farmer and the independent shopkeeper desperately in need of relief from taxes and regulation – images of declining significance in an age of corporate consolidation, globalization, and financialization. In reality, their economic fates are more closely tied to those of the very people Republican leaders encourage them to despise. This is truly “class warfare” at its best – except, the “haves” have unleashed the “have-nots” to fight amongst themselves.

The recent “Marriage Vow” is yet another example of how conservative class warfare relies on well-honed stereotypes of race, gender, and sexuality. In July there was a smattering of reactions to Tea Party candidate Rep. Michele Bachmann’s (R-Minn.) signing of this so-called “declaration of Dependence upon MARRIAGE and FAMILY.” In particular, commentators criticized two of the vow’s most egregious points: 1) it suggests black marriages and black children were better off under slavery than they are today; and 2) it endorses the idea that homosexuality is simply a deviant lifestyle choice. While both these points are undoubtedly inaccurate and inflammatory, I want to dig deeper into the underlying logic of this conservative pledge.

In a nutshell, it attributes most of the nation’s problems (whether social, moral, or economic) to the supposed breakdown of the heterosexual, patriarchal family. According to its line of reasoning, single (read: black) mothers are the causal link to “poverty, pathology and prison.” Moreover, the vow blames “family fragmentation” and its “costs to the justice system” for the expansion of government services and higher taxes, and for the resulting rise of the federal deficit and public debt burden. All of this has put undue pressure on American (read: white, nuclear) families.

The declaration even suggests that the status of U.S. women and children is declining because of the nation’s collective “debasement” of marriage through quickie divorce, premarital sex and cohabitation, and its growing acceptance of homosexuality. Indeed, it couches these evils as the root cause of “human trafficking, sexual slavery, seduction into promiscuity, and all forms of pornography and prostitution, infanticide, [and] abortion.” According to the vow, restoring Christian, heterosexual patriarchy (while also reducing taxes and shrinking government) is the only out of our current moral and economic dilemmas.

Poor black people are the obvious bogeymen haunting the text of this treatise on societal decay, with its invocation of slavery and the Moynihan Report of 1965 (which blamed the black out-of-wedlock birthrate for black poverty). Gays are also used for rhetorical flourish, as deviant foils to “real American men” (and their real families). These are the racial and sexual demons that foreclose any real discussion of how the U.S. neo-imperial wars, in tandem with tax cuts for the wealthy and corporations have contributed to the deficit. They turn the public’s attention away from how financial deregulation fostered the mortgage crisis, which led to the economic crash, and then to the government’s bailout of Wall Street and to the passage of the federal stimulus bill to help get Main Street back to work.

Curiously missing from the vow is any mention of the very real obstacles facing poor, especially black and brown families, over the past few decades. Deindustrialization has changed the face of the U.S. job market, leaving those without access to high-quality education with few opportunities to thrive in the mainstream economy. Yet, under No Child Left Behind, little other than high-stakes testing has been implemented to improve public schools and to help outfit inner-city youth for the rapidly shifting information economy.

                 

Not coincidentally, this has taken place right alongside the breathtaking expansion of the prison industrial complex, which disproportionately incarcerates black and brown people (many of them fathers and mothers) for non-violent, drug-related offenses. The prison system happens to be one area of the government that both conservative and liberal leaders are not so eager to downsize, particularly because of the huge profits to be made from servicing this captive market.

What Michelle Alexander has called The New Jim Crow, and in the case of California what Ruth Wilson Gilmore has dubbed The Golden Gulag, has done nothing to alleviate the interconnected problems of poverty, instability, hopelessness, and addiction in the United States. Instead, this fiscally irresponsible and morally reprehensible system cages and dehumanizes disadvantaged black and brown people who have been essentially left behind by the new economy. (And, it doesn’t help that once you’re a felon, you face employment and housing discrimination, disfranchisement, and the denial of public benefits and services.)

It is a wonder that anyone can sustain a happy, healthy, and successful family under such conditions. Things have only worsened with the recession, which has slammed black and brown people with disproportionate ferocity. Regardless of these realities, the Republican myth-making machine has somehow managed to sell a political story of white victimhood. As Barbara Ehrenreich and Dedrick Muhammad speculate, “When you’re going down, as the white middle class has been doing for several years now, it’s all too easy to imagine that it’s because someone else is climbing up over your back.”

Predictably, (white) “frontier” men like Perry and “traditional” (white) women like Bachmann have emerged as the heroes of the conservative’s recycled tale of redemption. In one fell swoop, they will stamp out moral pathology and bring back economic prosperity in the name of “real America.” (While Bachmann might “submit” to her husband, this “hombre-ette” claims she has the balls to take on Washington.)

In contrast, the “sissies” of this story are labor organizers, community activists, professors, and basically anyone left of center (or arguably, centrist). Workers’ grievances, intellectual analysis, and anything smacking of “wealth redistribution” or “social justice” are marked as effeminate, effete, even queer. After all, real American men suck it up at all cost. Real men (and their faithful women) don’t protest about working conditions, or the poor state of public education, or the lack of affordable healthcare. Unfortunately, these calls for (white) men to stand up and be men, and for (white) women to stand by their men, come at the expense of building progressive coalitions for change across racial, gender, class, and other differences.

Middle-class liberals and leftists are by no means blameless for the current state of affairs. We have largely sat back and watched all of this happen, throwing up our hands in dismay while living smugly in our supposedly “post-racial” bourgeois enclaves. Some even naively hoped that voting Barack Obama (“the Magic Negro”) into the White House would suddenly change the political and economic trajectory of the United States. (But that’s just not how change happens.)

At the same time that liberals have allowed the Right to hijack popular definitions of masculinity, family, and the “real America,” they have also played into the general erasure of class from political discussions. The democrats’ (especially President Obama’s) hesitancy to call the debt-ceiling crisis for what it was – a means to preserve the privilege of the wealthy at the expense of the rest of America – is just another example of the reticence of many U.S. liberals to acknowledge and discuss the persistence of gaping wealth disparities.

In a recent episode of the Real Housewives of New York, Alex McCord declared that she would rather say “see you next Tuesday” (read: c-u-n-t) than ever utter the other c-word, “class.” The implication being that class is not something for polite conversation; it’s a dirty word. Before the recession, many middle-class liberals assumed that “class” didn’t apply to them, turning a blind eye to the nation’s increasingly unequal distribution of wealth. Now that the same issues that first hit those at the bottom of the economic ladder are making their way upward, they suddenly want action.

The solution for liberals and leftists is not to become more ruggedly Alpha-male or to invest their energies in upholding patriarchy. This is no time to throw our collective “dicks” on the table – we will never win that pissing contest, nor should we want to. Instead, we need to be more forceful in calling the Right out on its clever, yet perverse manipulation of racial, gender, and sexual stereotypes. We need to call them out on their fake populism.

We also need to develop strong and inclusive coalitions, in ways that don’t involve the proverbial chest-thumping and demonization of those who aren’t like us or those who don’t fit prevailing definitions of “normal.” We need to foster movements for change that go beyond a narrow focus on individual rights and “family” in the most narrowly constructed ways.

The “real America” is already standing up, but not always in ways that are palatable to our bourgeois sensibilities. We need to take seriously the voices of prisoners on hunger strikes, of student and community activists working in the inner cities, and even of flash mobs expressing their frustration at the unequal state of the affairs. They have something to teach us, if we will just listen.

***

Theresa Runstedtler is Assistant Professor of American Studies at the University at Buffalo and, postdoctoral fellow at the University of Pennsylvania's Penn Humanities Forum for the 2011-2012 academic year.  Her book, tentatively titled, Jack Johnson, Rebel Sojourner: Boxing in the Shadow of the Global Color Line (University of California Press) drops in Spring 2012.

Conservatives, Hip-Hop and 2012

Conservatives, Hip-Hop and 2012

by Bakari Kitwana | Huffington Post

As the 2012 presidential election ramps up, expect conservatives to keep gunning for black youth, in general, and hip-hop, specifically. Black youth showed significant gains in 2008, and now represent the group of 18- to 29-year-old who vote the most. Their ability via popular to inspire young voters -- who in 2008 voted for Barack Obama over John McCain by a ratio of 2-to-1 -- poses one of the most viable threats to Republicans' aspirations to retake the Ppesidency. The recent national discussion surrounding the rapper Common's appearance at the White House is perhaps the first salvo.

What was quickly summed up as either an attempt to defend law enforcement or as an attack on the value of the arts does not get to the heart of what conservatives were really communicating to voters in the Common dust-up. That is, is there a place in mainstream American political life for young blacks, whose political views don't always fall within traditional mainstream conservative/liberal lines?

Black youth, particularly those who are poor and often ignored by politicians and lawmakers, are the men and women that the rapper-actor Common gave voice to in his 2007 poem ("A Letter to the Law") highlighted throughout the controversy. Conservative critics take issue with Common's tendency in the poem to represent their issues. Further, they feign outrage at the fact that Common presumes innocent several high profile Black Panthers convicted of police killings -- Assata Shakur and Mumia Abu-Jama l-- notwithstanding Common's suspicion is shared by international supporters, including Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International. 

So much of conservative media maneuvering since the 2008 election has been about creating illusions. This focus on Common is no different. In fact, the point of highlighting these associations is to encourage the casual observer to infer that like-minded Black youth are equally un-American and should not be welcome at the White House. Hence, the suggestion goes, it is not only logical, but also patriotic to dismiss their issues.

Such reasoning fails to consider that many of these young Americans embrace their citizenship with as much passion as conservative Republicans advance their own interpretation of what the founding fathers envisioned for the nation. Rightly so. Many have fought in American wars of the last decade, as African-Americans in the military outdistance their representation in the general population. Many were forced outside of the mainstream economy years before the Great Recession of 2007-2009. By 2009, for example, unemployment for black 16- to 24-year-olds reached Depression-era levels. 

Many others, with hip-hop as the unifying theme, vote and engage in grassroots community change efforts in neighborhoods abandoned long ago by government job programs and major corporations. They belong to national, multi-racial organizations like The Hip-Hop Caucus, the League of Young Voters, Green For All or similar local organizations. They also, like their fellow citizens, believe their issues should take center stage on the nation's agenda -- that they should be no more or less important than America's super rich, its senior citizens, its fed up Tea Partiers or its mega corporations.

Unfortunately, as the nation gears up for election 2012, they are among those that conservative spin brings to mind with phrases like "take back America." For self-appointed defenders of American values (who these days take their cues from House Speaker John Boehner, presidential hopeful Michele Bachmann and talking heads like Sean Hannity and Ann Coulter, to name a few), hearing the voices of fellow citizens at a White House poetry reading signals not the diversity of the nation, but, rather, a country that has lost its way. 

As a hip-hop advocate and critic who has shared the stage with Common, I can unequivocally vouch for the value he adds to the nation. He's both a thoughtful lyricist and a hip-hop star committed to using his celebrity to improve the lives of forgotten Americans. He does not routinely traffic in misogyny or gratuitous violence. Yes, there are those rare moments where he could go further to distance himself from hip-hop's gender stereotypes. However, to focus on Common's lyrics is to miss the point.

And missing the point in this case means entering a very calculated debate in which Common, and by extension hip-hop culture, is cast as a villain worthy of our collective disdain. This demonizing comes at a time when conservatives, especially over the last two and half years, have firmly demonstrated their ability to set the tone for national media and popular discourse, replete with what has become customary double-talk, innuendo and outright distortion of the facts. 

Problem is, the idea that young blacks and hip-hop culture are by definition un-American is a message that defies reality. 

Voter participation for 18- to 29-year-olds enjoyed an eleven percent increase between 2000 and 2008. Cross-racial hip-hop organizing jump-started many of these mobilizing efforts. In 2008, fifty-one percent of eligible 18- to 29-year-olds voted in the presidential election. Fifty-eight percent of black youth 18-29 voted, the highest participation of any racial group. (Fifty-two percent of white youth voted in the same age group.) Instead of rebuking young blacks and hip-hop culture that speaks to multiracial audiences for their forays in civic engagement -- including symbolic representation at the White House -- one would think that defenders of the American way would embrace them. 

But this is divide-and-conquer political theater. And the focus for conservatives who lost the presidential election by a landslide in 2008 (in part because of a cross-racial youth vote) is to win in 2012 -- at any cost. To that end, driving a wedge between this emerging, vibrant youth voting bloc is crucial. However, attempting to do so by relying on racial stereotyping, rather than the facts, is a tactic Americans concerned about the future of our democracy should not tolerate this election season.

***

Bakari Kitwana is senior media fellow at the Jamestown Project and the author of the forthcoming Hip-Hop Activism in the Obama Era (Third World Press, 2011)

Follow Bakari Kitwana on Twitter: www.twitter.com/therealbakari